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A. - Page 10 of 14 <br />"The growth of online platforms in recent years raises important questions about applying <br />the ideals of the First Amendment to modern communications teclulology. Today, many <br />Americans follow the news, stay in touch with friends and family, and share thea views <br />on current events through social media and other online platforms. As a result, these <br />platforins function in many ways as a 21 st century equivalent of the public square. <br />Twitter, Facebook, Instagram, and YouTube wield immense, if not unprecedented, power <br />to shape the interpretation of public events; to censor, delete, or disappear information; <br />and to control what people see or do not see." <br />Ultimately the President implores the U.S. Attorney General to develop a proposal for federal <br />legislation that "would be useful to promote the policy objectives of this order." The President is <br />not subtle in communicating his desire to ultimately see legislation heavily slanted toward the <br />preservation of free speech on social media, which some interpret as a maneuver to preempt <br />Twitter and Facebook from regulating speech they otherwise deem as hateful or demonstrably <br />false. <br />Considerations for Congass <br />Courts have generally construed Section 230 to grant internet service providers broad immunity <br />for hosting others' content. Many have claimed that Section 230's immunity provisions were <br />critical to the development of the modem internet, and some continue to defend Section 230's <br />broad scope. But simultaneously, a variety of cone-nentators and legislators have questioned <br />whether those immunity provisions should now be narrowed, given that the internet looks much <br />different today than it did in 1996 when Section 230 was first enacted. <br />One way for Congress to narrow Section 230's liability shield would be to create additional <br />exceptions, as it did with FOSTA and SESTA'. If a lawsuit does not fall into one of the express <br />exceptions contained in Section 230(e)3, courts may have to engage in a highly fact -specific <br />inquiry to determine whether Section 230 immunity applies: Section 230(c)(1) immunity will be <br />inapplicable if the provider itself has developed or helped to develop the disputed content, while <br />Section 230(c)(2) immunity may not apply if a service provider's decision to restrict access to <br />content was not made in good faith. <br />Date Storage and Usage Considerations for Cities <br />Section 2 of the conditions the resolution applies to civil immunity requires that online platforms <br />provide relevant information to law enforcement to assist in the identification and apprehension <br />of persons who use the services of the platfonn to solicit and to engage in criminal activity. This <br />section would most likely require the development of new procedures and protocols that govern <br />law enforcements usage and retention of such information. Those new policies and procedures <br />would undoubtedly raise privacy concerns depending on how wide the latitude is for law <br />2 The Fight Online Sex Trafficking Act (FOSTA) and the Stop Enabling Sex Traffickers Act (SESTA) <br />create an exception to Section 230 that means website publishers would be responsible if third parties <br />are found to be posting ads for prostitution — including consensual sex work — on their platforms. <br />3 Section 230(e) says that Section 230 will not apply to: (1) federal criminal laws; (2) intellectual property <br />laws; (3) any state law that is "consistent with" Section 230; (4) the Electronic Communications Privacy <br />Act of 1986; and (5) civil actions or state prosecutions where the underlying conduct violates federal law <br />prohibiting sex trafficking. <br />11 <br />146 <br />