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Cities that converted to district-based elections in response to a notice letter or action under the CVRA of <br />2001 should not be exposed to a new claim absent a showing that circumstances have materially changed <br />since adoption. We request an addition to Section 14027(b) providing that a method of election adopted <br />before the act's effective date, whether in response to a CVRA notice or by conversion from at-large to <br />district-based elections, is not subject to a dilution claim absent a showing of materially changed <br />circumstances. This preserves the reliance interests of compliant cities while leaving plaintiffs a full path <br />where demographics or voting patterns have genuinely shifted. <br />2. Protect the district-based-plus-elective-mayor structure. <br />Many California cities operate voter-approved council districts paired with a citywide-elected mayor, a <br />structure state law expressly authorizes under Government Code Sections 34871 and 34886. Under the <br />bill, the mere existence of that citywide office could anchor a dilution claim and a court could strike a <br />voter-approved office. Redwood City selects its mayor from among its councilmembers and is not directly <br />exposed, but we support this fix on behalf of the local-government community. We request an <br />amendment to Section 14026(e) or 14027(b) providing that a district-based method that includes an <br />elective mayor is treated as district-based for all purposes of the chapter, and that the existence of an <br />elective citywide office shall not, standing alone, establish or support a finding of vote dilution. <br />3. Close the double demand-letter loophole. <br />The bill requires every demand letter to be posted on a public state database. While a city negotiates in <br />good faith with the first letter-writer, using the process the bill itself prescribes, a second firm can work <br />from the posting and sue without warning. We request that Sections 10010(e)(5)(B) and 14029(b)(5)(B) <br />be amended so that the 45-day and 90-day protected periods bind all prospective plaintiffs, not only the <br />first letter-writer, for as long as a resolution of intention remains in effect and the city is proceeding with <br />reasonable diligence. The bill already caps cumulative reimbursement across letter-writers; this simply <br />aligns the filing rules with the fee rules. <br />4. Reconcile the compliance timelines with a tolling provision. <br />The bill requires a full public process to change a map in response to a letter, including four hearings, <br />seven-day publication cycles, republication after revisions, and now mandatory multilingual outreach, but <br />gives cities only 45- and 90-day windows to finish, with no tolling. In an election year the timelines do not <br />reconcile, and a city acting diligently mid-process can be sued for not being done. We request an addition <br />to Section 10010(e)(4) tolling the protected periods while a city is performing the hearing, outreach, and <br />publication requirements with reasonable diligence. The deadline keeps its force, since tolling applies only <br />while the city is actively doing the work. <br />5. Define “material disparity.” <br />Liability for voter suppression triggers on a “material disparity,” a term the bill never defines. Once a <br />plaintiff asserts one, the burden shifts and the city must defend its policy by clear and convincing evidence. <br />Agencies cannot know in advance whether they are in compliance. We request an addition to Section <br />14026 defining material disparity as a statistically significant difference that is meaningful in magnitude, <br />established by competent evidence, and not attributable to chance, or, in the alternative, direction to the <br />7.D. - Page 16 of 17 <br />304